Tuesday, October 28, 2008

Marx is back


LONDON: With capitalism in crisis, Karl Marx has become fashionable again in the West. Das Kapital, his seminal work, is set to become a best-seller in Europe.

In his native Germany, copies of Das Kapital are reported to be “flying off the shelves” as failed bankers and free-market economists try to make sense of the global economic meltdown.

Jorn Schutrumpf, head of the Berlin publishing house Dietz, is reported as having said that the sales of the works of Marx, and Friedrich Engels, have trebled. “Marx is fashionable again…We have a new generation of readers who are rattled by the financial crisis and have to recognise that neo-liberalism has turned out to be a false dream,” he told The Times.

A dramatic rise has been reported in the number of visitors to Marx’s birthplace in Trier. And film-maker Alexander Kluge is planning to turn Das Kapital into a movie.

Western leaders who once sneered at Marx’s dense tome, breezily dismissing it as a “doorstop,” have been seen flaunting Das Kapital in recent weeks. French President Nicolas Sarkozi has been spotted “flicking through” it, German Finance Minister Peer Steinbruck has said nice things about it, and even the Pope has praised the book for its “great analytical” quality.

Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams recalled Marx’s analysis of capitalism in glowing terms, saying: “Marx long ago observed the way in which unbridled capitalism became a kind of mythology, ascribing reality, power and agency to things that had no life in themselves.”

Some British cheerleaders for free-market, such as The Times and The Daily Telegraph, have suddenly become interested in Marx. There has been a wave of soul-searching analyses of whether he was right, after all.

Four cops killed in Naxal attack in Gadchiroli

NAGPUR, OCTOBER 26 : After a long lull, Maoists struck in Gadchiroli on Sunday morning, killing four policemen in an ambush near Korepalli village under Rajaram Khanla police station in Aheri tehsil.

The Naxalites started firing at the police party, a C-60 commando unit with four officers, which was on a routine patrol in the area, killing four of the 23 policemen on the spot. The deceased policemen have been identified as provisional sub-inspector S R Parekar and constables Vinod Uike, Ajay Maste and Vasant Madavi.

SI Nalawade and constables Gangaram Sidam, Diwakar Gawade, Vikram Thakur and Ganpat Soyam are undergoing treatment at Nagpur.”Their condition is out of danger,” SP Rajesh Pradhan told The Indian Express.

Of late, Naxalites have been active in Etapalli area, where they have burnt a few trucks, damaged a church and killed a man recently. However, the sudden strike in Aheri has startled the police. “They have been trying to engage us since the past few days,” Pradhan said.

Last time Naxalites attacked the police on such a big scale was in 2005 when 14 policemen were killed in two blasts in Gadchiroli and neighbouring Gondia districts. That year as many as 25 police personnel were killed in attacks as against only three Naxalites.

India Maoists forge new alliance

Maoist rebels in Chhattisgarh
Maoists have a presence in 182 districts of India

Maoist rebels in India and a leading separatist group in the country's north-east have decided to work together, according to a statement.

The rebels and the Revolutionary Peoples Front (RPF) of Manipur said they would fight to "overthrow" India's ruling regime.

The RPF is one of Manipur's oldest separatist groups.

It has an armed wing which attacks Indian security forces and punishes drug peddlers and woman traffickers.

Formed in 1976, a number of RPF's early leaders were trained in China.

A joint statement signed by S Gunen, the RPF secretary-general, and Comrade Alok of the underground Maoist party said they supported the "great Indian class struggle led by the Maoists against India's semi-feudal, semi-colonial regime".

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has said the Maoist insurgency is the "single biggest threat" to India's security.

They operate in 182 districts in India, mainly in the states of Jharkhand, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and West Bengal.

The rebels say they are fighting for the rights of poor peasants and landless workers.

News from Bangladesh

Dear comrades

Our 7 comrades have been arrested by the police on 25 October 27, 2008 at 10 pm at begrhat, the south west area of Bangladesh. Police said to the media they were illegal activating at the morelgong, district of bagerhat.

7 comrade including a female comrade was arrested by the brutal Bangladeshi police. Very famous female comrade is known as didi moni ( mam) was also arrested on this night. Didmoni have been developing a child school on the morelgong, district of bagherhat. This school is very famous to the poor working and peasant classes.

Bangladeshi police never act as a political prisoner to the Maoist revolutionary group and same matter have happened for our great 7 comrade. They have been very much tortured since 25 October to yet. Because police did not hand over the matter to the court to surrender to the political prisoner. Bangladeshi state never knows how to go legal frame work but they every time says about law and duty.

Scholl have been leading our peasant organization.

All revolutionary party and individual man of Bangladesh as well as all over the revolutionary power to help to us.

Thanks to all


Sonkingkretir noya shetu

(it’s a party formation movement )


Report of the Seminar on the Birth Centenary of Com. Amulya Sen

The seminar on the occasion of the birth centenary of Com. Amulya Sen held on 21 October 2008 at Theosophical Society, Kolkata, India was attended by about 200 people. With a crowded hall the red flag of the proletariat was hoisted by Com. Gour Chakraborty, the well known revolutionary worker.

In the seminar, a report describing the revolutionary life of Com. Amulya Sen and the significance of his work was presented on behalf of the Com. Amulya Sen birth centenary celebration committee. Com. Sachchidananda Banerjee, Com. Jyanta Sen, Com Amiduity Kumar talked on different facets of the life of Com. Amulya Sen. Com. Gour Chakraborty pointed the importance of the unification of different revolutionary groups to carry forward the Indian revolution, the dream for which Com. Amulya Sen and numerous martyrs have sacrificed their lives. The seminar was attended by the representatives of different progressive and revolutionary organizations and journals including Committee for the release of political prisoners, Sanhati Udyoug, Ganapratirodh Manch (West Bengal unit of Revolutionary Democratic Front), Janamuktikami, Communist Youth League, Marxist Leninist Research Centre, Bangla People's March.

Sunday, October 26, 2008

Thallappavu -A Movie on Com Varghese

Link to Video
Review of Movie Thallappavu
Onam comes every year, but “Thalappavu” comes once a decade. There couldn’t be a better Onam gift for Malayalis and Malayalam cinema than “Thalappavu”. Watched the movie today, First day, at SreePadmanabha and I’m still searching for a fault line. This one goes right up there - An All time Classic.
Madhupal makes a dream debut as a director, Prithviraj and Lal give their best performances till date, Babu Janardanan delivers a world class script which will stand its ground in any film festival ,and Azhagappan mesmerises with the Camera. “Thalappavu” is one movie which puts to rest any doubts about the class and scope of malayalam movies. We rank right up there!
“Thalappavu” is a gripping movie, immensely watchable, it doesn’t drag a bit, there is no suspense (starts with the death of the central character), no violence, no comedy, no love lines. Its almost like a Rohinton Mistry novel with tragedy heaped over tragedy, and finally topped with some very sad tragedy. I hate sad movies, and this is not one of them. Its a classic.
In a recent article from the Rupesh Paul-Amal Neerad junta, Rupesh had pointed out that “Story” is not an important part of a movie. While nobody liked his movie, the point remains that, if Cinema is for telling a story then you could as well publish a short story. Making a movie for telling a story is as good as using Google for searching for porn alone, or using your Blackberry for incoming calls alone. Cinema as a medium has immense potential which needs to be tapped. “Thalappavu”, kudos to Madhupal, does exactly that. It uses the medium’s untapped potentials for handing down a classic.

A still from the movie Thallappavu
Story: Thalappavu is a movie about Naxal Varghese who was killed in one of the state’s most controversial police encounters, and P Ramachandran Nair the police constable who shot him (and after 3 decades brought to book his superiors Laxmana and Vijayan who ordered the murder). Lal plays Ravindran Pillai, the constable, who carries with him the burden of the crime for three decades and along the way loses his family, his home and his sanity. Prithvi plays Naxal Joseph and his ghost, which keeps Ravindran Pillai company. The story moves in multi dimension with threads falling in line at their own pace, with every character getting their own space and piece of the tragedy, with recurring and repeating scenes shot from varying perspectives. Dhanya Mary is a find, and she must be here to stay.
Excerpt from the film website,
‘Thalappavu’ (headgear or turban) is a symbol of authority. In many societies, those in the upper social strata wear the turban as a symbol of power and authority. For the working class it provides shade from the hot sun and pelting rain.
The relationship between a hardcore revolutionary and the masses is usually distressing as far as governments are concerned. Everywhere in the world, it is a common practice for the ruling class to fetter one who is ready to sacrifice his life for social causes. The basis of a constitution is that whatever the crime, it is the law of the land that has the right to mete out punishment. The Malayalam movie ‘Thalappavu’ tries to portray that it is the very watchdogs of law who shamelessly violate the rules that they bound to defined.
1. Script, Screenplay & Direction: “Vasthavam” flopping is one thing I hold against the malayalam audience, then “Thaniyavarthanam” flopped too. Babu Janardanan of “Vasthavam” and “Achanurangatha Veedu”, delivers a water tight script. One can see the effort that has gone into writing this marvel. Madhupal, as a director delivers the script with finesse, but ends up delivering more than the screenplay. It is an exceptional “Director’s movie”, which I guess would catapault Madhupal to Blessy’s seat, now that the latter has started making trash. The story line is spoon fed to the audience multiple times in the first half that we are ready with the details when the movie speeds up in the second half. The delivery is subtle, forceful and passionate. If you look close enough you could even see a Jesus thread hanging around.
2. Prithviraj: He is the man! Mammooty’s uniqueness is that when Mammooty does an emotional sequence, the intensity and the raw sexuality pushes the scene right upto its pinnacle. Prithvi inherits that. Even when you disagree with the dialougues he deliver, there is no way you can ignore the conviction and power of his delivery. Isn’t that what we all feel about Naxalites ?
3. Lal & others: Lal could end up winning a state award for this one. Despite his limitations as an actor, he falls into the groove - and then rocks. Dhanya Mary gives a fresh and haunting performance (read Chitrangada in Hazarom ….)
4. Camera: In a movie that shifts between 1970s and 2000s, that shifts between first person and third person accounts, that is shot in Wayanad and Allepey, the camera had to be good. Azhagappan lives up to his reputation.
Bad: Tough call. May be one could ask for the evil police officers’ side of the story. Then you can’t be neutral on a moving train. Can you? Guess you can, then any policeman can
Verdict: ‘Thalappavu’ is not the usual super hit material. Then ‘Thoovanathumbikal’ and ‘Thazhvaram’ were average hits, and ‘Rajamanickam’ a super hit. A hit or a flop for a movie does not really matter. But I hope the producers make enough profits to continue make to make movies like this. In the meantime, do yourselves a favour - Go watch ‘Thalappavu’

Gulmohar - Malayalam movie on Naxalite Maoist Movement in Kerala

Link to video

Review of Malayalam Movie GulmoharOnce a revolutionary, always a revolutionary' should have been the tagline of Jayaraj's much talked about new Malayalam film Gulmohar. The acting debut of writer-director Ranjith has added to the curiosity value of this endeavour.Scripted by Didi Damodaran (daughter of T Damodaran, the hit script writer of yesteryears) Gulmohar tells the story of a group of friends who were revolutionaries in their younger days. The tale is told from the point of view of Induchoodan (Ranjith), who now is settled as school teacher with his wife, two kids and mother-in-law.
Induchoodan - The protagonist of the movieAs Induchoodan jogs down the memory lane, we get glimpse of their adventurous existence mostly lived on the edge as they took on the establishment and fought for the voiceless.The script as such is packed with lot of layering. The current generation ridicules the suffering and the sacrifices their elders made to make the world a better place. Their relatives never empathised or appreciated the zeal with which they followed their heart's calling or even their sense of justice.
Still from the movieInduchoodan was an orphan (maybe it is used as a tool to justify why he is moved by the plight of others, as conveyed in a scene in the beginning where he tackles a complaint against an orphaned boy in the school) with only an elder sister to call his own. A person with a creative bent of mind, he uses his writing skills to propagate his ideas on revolution.We fear that Induchoodan's character may go overboard any moment as any conventional multi-talented hero's would. But it is discreetly held back at the script level itself.The narrative moves from the past to the present, giving us the story of Induchoodan's past and how his present is made.Ranjith's performance does not look like he was the last minute replacement for the role of Induchoodan (Suresh Gopi [Images] was to play the role). He makes us feel that the part was written with him in the mind. He gives the impression that he has rehearsed well for the part.Debutant Neenu Mathew is the other performance that impresses us.Technically too, Gulmohar is in a league of its own, helping Jayaraj to bounce back in form.




Nepal: Maoism is our identity, not a tail, Mohan Vaidya Kiran

You are considered as a hardliner in the Maoists’ Party. Tell us briefly where and on what account you differ sharply with the party?Kiran: I feel that conspiracies are on to foil the Maoists’ established credentials. After I was released from the Indian prison, talks of artificial division in and among the hardliners and the liberals have cropped up. I think specifically the revolutionary ideology of the Maoists is being targeted deliberately. The trend has been that if one talks on ideological grounds he or she is labeled as a hardliner. As far as differences are concerned, I do not have any objection to the party. And of myself who would always tell my mind without hesitation. However, the moot questions remain intact. There is the great danger that in the name of liberalism whether the party will loose its basic ideology? Are we forgetting our commitments? Whether our commitment to National Sovereignty is on the continuous wane? Is the party falling into the trap set by the Rightists? These are not my personal concerns, instead should be the concerns of the party as a whole?Tell us something about the hullabaloo over changing the party’s tag? There is a kind of competition among the Maoists and the UML in removing Mao’s name from the party tag? What say you?Kiran: As far as the UML is concerned, I personally feel that it is not even a Communist party. There are some leaders in the UML camp who believe in communist ideology but the party is not a communist party. Thus there should not be any debate even if it declares that it is no more a communist party. However, in our case changing the party tag is irrelevant and illogical.Your Party Chairman has already said that the debate over abandoning the party tag is on in the party for over two years now? Is Mao’s name a tail now? Kiran: As is normal of a political party we too discuss and debate over several critical and crucial issues. Nevertheless, without making a formal decision over the contentious issue, nothing can be taken for granted. For us, Maoism is the party’s identity---it is not at all a “tail” as it is being interpreted by some both within and without. It is the prime identity of the peoples’ revolt. In the UML’s case it is indeed a tail but not for the Maoists as such. Unless a formal decision is taken by the party whosoever is advocating the case of dropping the tag are his/her personal considerations. Regarding the Communist unity is concerned I do not rule out the possibility in the distant future but for the time being it is not possible. What about the inner rife in your party as regards the Militia integration is concerned?Kiran: It is also a critical issue but there is no difference as you have pointed out. We have charted out clear party lines over the issues of peace process, constitution drafting and the Militia integration. We need rather to devise modalities for the integration process—we need thorough discussion over this issue as well. What about the emerging differences between you and party president?Kiran: The political situation is such that it demands debates and discussions. That’s all.Where is the Maoists’ party heading towards?Kiran: Revolutionary spirit is still kicking and alive in the party paraphernalia. Nevertheless, we need to continuously rectify our mistakes as there is the concern among our supporters whether the party is deviating away from its prime ideological premises. The central leadership, unfortunately, has kept itself away from the people—which should not have been the case. The party is undergoing a transition as the State too is. We are yet to totally dismantle past set-up and rebuild a new one. Tell us about the debate on People’s Republic and Democratic Republic?Kiran: We are still mulling over the issue. It needs ample discussion as it is directly linked to drafting the new constitution. It is my belief that Democracy as such needs to be redefined in the Nepali context else drafting the constitution becomes redundant. And it is only but normal that in such critical issues various opinions emerge and there also the collision.Why is it that there are so much of differences in the Maoists’ Camp? Kiran: More than concentrating on making determined efforts we have exhibited flexibility. No compromise should be made on our ideology---this is what I believe. The Maoists have come this far ahead after holding intense debates and discussions. The party will continue to serve the people in this way. However such discussions and debates should not become public---that will invite anarchy. How do you evaluate the government performance?Kiran: It will only become a premature evaluation. We want to move ahead, yet we do not have the needed absolute majority. Old mindset prevails in the bureaucracy. Nevertheless we are determined in our set objectives. Political revolution vs. economic revolution—it is also being debated in the party?Kiran: Political revolution is yet to conclude. It is still on. We are still within the framework of the democratic republic. Some of our friends have begun talking of the economic revolution. I don’t’ think that unless political revolution comes to a positive end, economic revolution is possible. (Courtesy: Naya Patrika Daily, October 21, 2008)

Saturday, October 18, 2008

‘Maoists cannot be hired’

BHUBANESWAR, Oct 17: Maoists are not professional assassins, retorted Mr P Vara Vara Rao of the Revolutionary Writers Association of Andhra Pradesh while reacting to reports that the minority community had hired Maoists to assassinate VHP leader Laxmanananda Saraswati. "Those who dish out such cock and bull stories are ignorant of the history of Naxal movement in this country. Maoists cannot be ‘hired’," he asserted.
Mr Rao had spent three days in Kandhamal and was replying to questions at a Press conference here today when he made the statement.
Asked why Maoists had killed Laxmanananda Saraswati, Mr Rao said: "The operation was perhaps in line with deliberations at their last party congress wherein fundamentalism was considered the second biggest threat, after globalisation, to the poor of the country...I am not their spokesperson, but I think they wanted to send a clear message across to the fundamentalists and divisive forces."
Significantly, he recalled that after the December 2007 violence in Kandhamal district, leaders of the Peoples War had denied their involvement and had also said that if they had been involved they would have killed Laxmanananda Saraswati and not poor tribals or dalits.
Now, the Naxals have claimed responsibility of killing Laxmanananda Saraswati, but shockingly, others like political parties and Sangh Parivar and vested interest groups refuse to accept it.
"The entire game plan is to get electoral benefit. The fundamentalist forces want to rid the country of minorities and some political parties feel this suits their vote bank," he alleged. "Organisations like the SIMI which believe that communism, capitalism and secularism have failed and Islamism is the only option are termed as terrorist outfit and are banned but an outfit like Bajrang Dal or VHP which wants a Hindu Rashtra are not deemed as terrorist organisations," he observed

Excellent conditions for revolutionary upsurge in the face of the worsening global capitalist crisis

Communist Party of the Philippines
October 15, 2008

The world capitalist system is undergoing a deepening recession that can only result in the massive destruction of productive forces and further concentration of capital in the hands of a few. This global economic malaise is now causing production slowdowns, massive job losses, worsening impoverishment and intensified exploitation and oppression of the proletariat and ordinary people in the capitalist centers, with even worse consequences for peoples in the Third World.

The bursting of the biggest financial bubble in history and the severest financial crisis since the Great Depression have already caused the collapse and subsumption of many of the largest banks and financial institutions, the sweeping credit crunch, the continuing meltdown of stock markets and near paralyzation of other financial markets.

The financial crisis has become so acute that, aside from several hundred billions already thrown in, the US government has allocated $700 billion and is planning to pour in more funds in a vain attempt to salvage the "toxic assets" of finance giants and buttress the battered capitalist financial system in the US and abroad. More than a trillion dollars is being poured in by the US and other imperialist governments and big finance capitalists to salvage more collapsing banks and financial markets in other capitalist countries.

These measures have, however, only been met with doubt and skepticism over their effectivity in stemming the financial crisis. After a few gasps of apparent resuscitation, financial markets have only continued to plunge. All these massive diversions of taxes and funds to rescue losing finance giants from their own greed have only angered the impoverished masses much divested of social assistance and made more miserable in the face of deprivation and worsening economic hardships.

The current crisis besetting the global capitalist system reaffirms the correctness of the Marxist-Leninist critique of the moribund capitalist system and the need to overthrow it through revolutionary struggle and supplant it with a socialist order.

The rotten capitalist system has become even more absurd and unproductive as the imperialists are engaged in ever greater financial speculation and accumulation of surplus finance capital than in production. Meanwhile, accelerating overproduction of surplus capital leads to cyclical overproduction in the real economy with piles of unsold inventories of houses, cars, computers, food items and other commodities, followed by production slowdowns, underconsumption and stagnation. The result is massive destruction of productive forces and billions of people around the world condemned to unemployment, poverty, hunger and utter desperation.

At the root of the current financial crisis is the concentration and accumulation of capital which has resulted in the ballooning of finance capital detached from production in the real economy. The amount of surplus capital employed in financial speculation has grown several times bigger than productive capital. The current financial crisis, in particular, was triggered by the accumulation by big finance capitalists of trillions of dollars of overblown assets and superprofits from the housing and subprime derivatives bubble.

As a result of the unproductive accumulation of finance capital, industrial production has turned recessive and presently continues to contract. Joblessness in the US is at a five-year high, with the number of unemployed expected to swell by another million by year's end. This is on top of the 9.5 million already unemployed in the US. Underemployment is soaring to even higher record levels. The consumption crisis, following the burst of the housing bubble, has become protracted and has made a turn for the worse. Previous irrational capitalist overproduction has turned to disastrous stagnation and underconsumption.

In the face of the worsening crisis of the capitalist system, it is the miserably pauperized working class and ordinary people who suffer the most. More than a trillion dollars have been used to salvage losing finance capitalists in the imperialist countries and provide their losing executives with tens of billions in "golden parachutes." On the other hand, the mass of their working class and ordinary people whose tax payments provided these funds, are left with practically nothing.

The imperialists have been forcing trade and investment liberalization and denationalization policies on their semicolonies as a means of further exporting their surplus capital, dumping their surplus products, plundering natural resources and taking advantage of the cheap labor and raw materials in their semicolonies. This has resulted in the large-scale destruction of productive forces, and mass unemployment, poverty and hunger in these countries. The spread of the global crisis of capitalism and the intensification of the exploitation and oppression of the working class and oppressed people are worsening even further the chronic crisis in the semicolonies and impoverished nations.

As its "solution" to the threat of the worsening global capitalist crisis on the flimsy semicolonial and semifeudal economy, the puppet Arroyo regime is further opening up the national economy to foreign investments, plunder of the natural resources, lopsided neocolonial trade, increased deficit government spending, more public and foreign borrowings, and even more intensified taxation of the people. The US and its puppet regime are pushing more policies and measures geared towards the removal of whatever remaining protection there is for the national patrimony and the interests of the toiling masses and the people. The policies include the long-standing scheme to change the constitution of the reactionary government to prolong the reign of the ruling regime.

These policies and measures aim to further open up the economy and resources of the country to the ravages of the imperialists and their big comprador and big bureaucrat accomplices. Instead of alleviating the crisis, the resulting production downfalls, increased unemployment, intensified inflation, reduced consumption and heightened poverty and hunger will only worsen the economic crisis and heighten the people's sufferings.

The current crisis of the global capitalist system provides excellent conditions for revolutionary upsurge as the working class and other oppressed and exploited people all over the world who have been pushed to the wall have no other recourse but to further intensify their revolutionary struggles and advance their interests.

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the entire international proletarian revolutionary movement anticipate the reinvigoration and resurgence of the Marxist-Leninist- Maoist movement and the heightening of working class and people's revolutionary struggles the world over.

The worsening socio-economic crisis in the Philippines is pushing millions of workers, peasants and other democratic sectors to wage people's struggles and advance and support people's war. The CPP calls on all revolutionary mass forces to take advantage of the current situation to step up recruitment, consolidate their ranks and intensify their struggles.

In the midst of the worsening crisis of the present system, the New People's Army (NPA) will further intensify revolutionary armed struggle, launch more tactical offensives against the fascist armed forces, deal heavy blows on the US-Arroyo regime for its pro-imperialist, anti-democratic and antipeople policies and punish it for inflicting great harm and misery upon the people.

India: Maoists expanding Red areas of activities

13 Oct 2008

JEYPORE: Have Maoists of KBK region established a new base in Narayanpatna in Koraput, bordering Orissa-Andhra Pradesh to spread their activities to Kandhamal? The question is now haunting the police administration and intelligence agencies working in both the States. The killing of two top Maoists near Narayanpatna two days back in an encounter is a pointer towards the question. Considering backwardness of the region and inaction of the administration, the Maoists have started their operation first in Malkangiri in 1980s. Since then, Malkangiri has been the base area of Maoists of Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. Over the years, they have expanded their base to whole of southern Orissa. In recent years, there have been frequent Maoist attacks in Naranyanpatna putting the police on their toes. Despite presence of CRPF and armed forces in Narayanpatna, Maoist-related incidents continue to occur in the area. Having over 1,000 km radius of dense forests that border the two States, this area has lately turned into a haven for the Maoist led People's War. Sources said that due to frequent police raids in Malkangiri, the Maoists have shifted their base to Narayanpatna and their meetings are mostly conducted in this area. As many as 10 encounters have been recorded by in this area during the last few weeks. The inaccessible hilly terrain makes it their favourable hideout.

Mutiny in India! Cops refuse transfers to Maoist Red base areas

Cops say no to 'Maoist' posting

RAIPUR: The Chhattisgarh government on Saturday suspended 13 policemen, including six inspectors, for refusing to accept transfers to the Maoist-domi

nated Bastar region interiors.

"We had no option left but to crack the whip on 13 policemen who defied the government transfer order and refused to join duty in Bastar region, despite repeated reminders," R K Vij, inspector-general (administration) , said.

The suspended cops also include 7 sub-inspectors. They were transferred in July-August to the interiors of Bastar where Maoists have been running a de facto administration since 1980s.

India Peoples War advances!

Celebrate Birth Centenary of Comrade Amulya Sen

Comrades and Friends,

This year, 2008 is the birth centenary of Com. Amulya Sen, the freedom fighter and the communist revolutionary of India.

Com. Sen was born in 1908 in Sonarang village of Bikrampur of Dhaka district in present Bangladesh. He completed his formal education after obtaining gold medal in B.Sc. and 1st class in B.T examinations from the University of Dhaka. However, leaving a comfortable and peaceful life, in his youth Com. Sen rushed to the revolutionary armed struggle against British imperialism with a dream of an independent India, and took the membership of 'Anushilan Samity'.

In forties of the last century he studied Marxism-Leninism in great detail during his prison-life. He joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) once he was released.

In the two-line struggle within CPI, Com. Amulya Sen played very important role. Against Titoite-Trotskite line, he boldly supported the line of Com. Stalin, the document of Andhra Secretariat and the great Telengana movement. Based on the party's "Tactical Line" of 1951 Com. Sen fought the battle and was elected the secretary of the Hoogly district committee of CPI. The "Tactical Line" of 1951 was consistent with the line of Chinese revolution and opposite to the line formulated by B. T. Ranadive, inspired by the line of Trotsky-Tito.

As soon as com. Stalin passed away in 1953, the revisionist line returned back in the party. Com. Sen was shifted from his position of Hoogly district committee secretary. But, he kept on ideological debate uninterruptedly. In the 20th Congress of CPSU in 1956 Khrushchev put forward the reactionary- revisionist theory of peaceful transition to socialism. It resulted in fierce ideological debate in the international communist movement. Debate was continued in CPI as well. Com. Amulya Sen was one of the front liners in India who, in support of the line of Com. Stalin, fought against the revisionist line of 20th congress. When CPC under Com. Mao started great debate in international communist movement against Khrushchev revisionists, Com. Sen fought the ideological struggle in support of the CPC line.

In November, 1964 the CPI underwent a split in its 7th congress. CPI(Marxist) was formed. From the very beginning Com. Sen called the draft programme of CPI(M) as revisionist. He realized that the party leadership would not direct the ideological debate in Marxist manner; rather it would impose the revisionist line in bureaucratic way. Under this circumstance, in order to unite the revolutionary section of the party he started to publish "Chinta", the underground bulletin in 1964-65 within the party's rank and file. In its six issues the subjects of the articles published in "Chinta" were: The state character of India, The path of Indian revolution, Role of PL-480 as a weapon of neo-colonial exploitation, Programme of 7th congress of the Party and the nature of revisionist leadership etc. "Chinta" resulted in waves of debate in the party that was felt even in the mass organizations.

With a view to expanding the sphere of debate, Com. Sen, with Com. Chadrasekhar Das and Com. Kanai Chatterjee, started publishing ''Dakshin Desh", an open bi-weekly magazine since August, 1966. In this period, other groups in Kolkata started the debate as well and in Siliguri, Com. Charu Mazumdar and others continued the same debate.

With the heritage of the Telengana movement and inspired by the international great debate, the Naxalbari peasant movement was exploded in 1967 under the leadership of Com. Charu Mazumdar. Following the great revolutionary peasant movement of Naxalbari Com. Amulya Sen took initiative in the ideological struggle against the various rightist trends of opportunism, liberalism and economism in order to unite all communist revolutionaries in a genuine communist party. Meanwhile, under the leadership of Com. Charu Mazumdar CPI(Marxist- Leninist) was formed in 22 April, 1969. Because of the differences in a number of ideological and political questions and in the methodology of party formation, the "Dakshin Desh" group kept itself outside the newly formed party. Com. Sen strongly favoured the notion of having a single all India party. As it was not possible at that moment, he along with Com. Kanai Chatterjee and Com. Chandrasekhar Das founded Maoist Communist Centre by thoroughly organizing the "Dakshin Desh" group in 20 October 1969 for the continuation of revolutionary activities with the orientation of unification of the communist revolutionaries in a single party in future.

Com. Sen strongly believed that without mobilizing and politically activating the workers and peasants, the basic force of revolution, the revolutionary actions of a handful of self-sacrificing ideologues could not abolish the imperialism and the feudalism. He also believed that without agrarian revolution no revolutionary task could be achieved in our country. He did continue his theoretical and practical tasks adhering to this basic political line throughout his prolonged revolutionary life. Till his last day, 23 March, 1981, he was a tireless and strong-minded revolutionary communist warrior.

With a desperate attempt to overcome the ever-deepening crisis in the imperialist world, imperialist powers, in one hand, implement their aggressive war strategy in different countries and are engaged in frantic arm race; on the other hand, they maximize the plunder over India and other third world countries with the policy of globalization. In the name of industrialization, urbanization as well as special economic zone and infrastructure formation, the imperialist transnational- multinational companies now directly control the industries, agriculture and other economic sectors of India. Acquisition of farmland and extensive eviction of peasants have been undergoing in the name of development. The CPI(M) led left front and other governments in different states of India help implementation of plunder and eviction policy. On the other hand, peasantry has been continuing their resistance. The struggles in Singur, Nandigram and in other areas are the burning examples of such resistance. It is to be noted that Com Amulya Sen and his fellow warriors once started ideological struggle against those very revisionist forces, which are now in power to evict the peasantry at the behest of local and foreign exploiting classes. It does manifest the political far-sightedness of Com. Sen. To celebrate the birth centenary of Com. Sen means to take lessons from his hard revolutionary life, from his ideology of self-sacrifice, and above all from his political far-sightedness. We have to stand by the struggles of the masses of different strata including worker and peasants by assimilating the teachings of Com. Sen. It is the best way of paying homage to Com. Amulya Sen.

With revolutionary greetings,
Com. Amulya Sen Birth Centenary Celebration Committee
21 September, 2008

Saturday, October 11, 2008

'The Naxal problem is not just a security issue'

October 7, 2008
Nandini Sundar, professor of sociology, Delhi School of Economics, and historian and writer Ramchandra Guha have filed a petition to stop the Chhattisgarh government from supporting and encouraging the Salwa Judum, a people's movement to counter the Naxalites.
The state government has denied that the Salwa Judum was a state-sponsored movement. The Supreme Court has disapproved arming the Salwa Judum, and the case continues.
According to a report by Human Rights Watch, caught in a deadly tug-of-war between an armed Maoist movement on one side, and the government security forces plus a vigilante group called Salwa Judum on the other, civilians have suffered a host of human rights abuses, including killings, torture, and forced displacement. The violence has destroyed hundreds of villages and uprooted tens of thousands of people from their homes.
The armed movement by Maoist groups spans four decades and 13 states across India. They purport to defend the rights of the poor, especially the landless, Dalits and tribal communities.
Sundar's book Subalterns and Sovereigns: An Anthropological History of Bastar traces the expansion of the colonial and the post-colonial state in Bastar, central India, between 1854 and 2006. The author's account of the region is at once the outcome of an intellectual as well as personal encounters with the region and its politics.
Sundar spoke to Rujuta Paradkar about the policy and politics adopted by the government of Chhattisgarh, the Salwa Judum and "the way in which people fall through the cracks of the democratic process".

Letter form Earth!!

Whom so ever concerned.

D/o World,

Respected sir/madam,
In my dairy pages i have seen lots and lots of kings who ruined my peace for their personal pride. I have also seen many people who followed violent route in the name of social justice, whether they achieved justice through it?i am not sure. With these i have seen lots and lots of natural disasters.
But inspite of my experience with violent incidences i am very much disturbed these days. I was very happy when people became more and more educated, they even thought about my origin , they questioned me and challenged me. I had the feeling that violence will totally end because of these intelligent people. But it has become exactly opposite!as people are becoming more and more educated(?) they are losing their patience, communal harmony is missing, slightest reasons that should have taken humorously are turning out into communal clashes that is costing many of my children.Only politicians who are totally communal speak about secularism! Previously atleast people were uneducated , they would listen to wise words and corrected their mistakes. But now people think they are educated ,which they are not in reality,and they have become deaf.
I am afraid about my future, i am fed up of these blood stains on me which i fear i cant clean by myself. So through this letter i kindly request any one on or outside the earth to clean me if possible or atleast avoid these type of incidences in future god oblige.
Thanking you,
yours faithfully,

Independence for Kosovo or further entrenched empire?

recieved via mail.

Sunday February 17th was declared the day of Independence for Kosovo. Sections of the population, waving U.S. imperialist flags displaying what could be seen to the naive a wonderful day when an 'oppressed people' succeeded in a heroic 'liberation struggle'. A small piece of land, rugged, mountainous, strategic.. this is the land of Kosovo.

Since the 1999 NATO blitzkrieg and invasion of what is left of the federation of Yugoslavia, Kosovo has become a territory under foreign western imperialist military rule. Kosovo remains under UN 'administration' so to speak, administering the NATO occupation forces for the interests of imperialism. Secession from Serbia, far from practising a new liberated state, in effect would reinforce the control of the NATO-UN occupation forces.

The 1999 NATO blitzkrieg and invasion of the remnants of Yugoslavia and Serbia followed a patern of events. The federation of Yugoslavia was born on the ashes of Hitlerite / Mussolini Fascism after a persistant resistance and a new era was proposed by the people of the region for a federation and to once again live in peace. At the fall of the USSR, the western imperialists (US, Britain, Germany, France and Italy at the helm), each armed with logistics, weapons and intelligence started to carve out for themselves spheres of influence by using reactionary secessionist movements as part of a campaign to destabilise Yugoslavia. Once again, people who lived side by side for generations in peace where thrown into reactionary war and turmoil!

Imperialism, a force for progressive change?

With the region once again colonised and the 'new states' in economic despair, the puppets on the Balkans began a series of crime, from depopulating the countries of its youth to slave in the west for half the salaries of the indigenous workers and permitting a network of military bases.

Kosovo is occupied by one America's largest military bases, Camp Bondsteel. Bondsteel was built on contract to the Pentagon by Halliburton. Camp Bondsteel is considered to be "the largest and most expensive army base since Vietnam." with more than 6000 US troops. There are 25 kilometres of roads and over 300 buildings at Camp Bondsteel, surrounded by 14 kilometres of earth and concrete barriers, 84 kilometres of concertina wire and 11 watch towers. It is so big that it has downtown, midtown and uptown districts, retail outlets, 24-hour sports halls, a chapel, library and the best-equipped hospital anywhere in Europe. There are suggestions that it could replace the US airforce base at Aviano in Italy.

Why Kosovo for occupation and Camp Bondsteel?

Kosovo is an historic region of Serbia, the latter of which is a key Russian ally in the heart of the Balkans. With Serbia directly occupied by British and US imperialism and the 17th February 2008 rubber stamping of this accumulation of events, the US imperialists are sending a direct warning to Russia that NATO is serious of contention and that no power will ever replace the US as a super power ever again. One thing is for sure, western imperialism and its armed force NATO is marching eastwards to the border against a Russia which has generally recovered from its political and economic crises.
As this news reaches us of 'Independence' for Kosovo, we wait to see the response of Russia.

Resistance from below

By the time the news spread of US and western imperialist rubber stamp of a consolidated empire in the Balkans, resistance in the region poured onto the streets with attacks on the US embassy in Belgrade. Across the region protests led by anti imperialist and other left forces took to the streets, consciously stating opposition to NATO and western imperialist occupation. Whilst masses took to the streets and opposition statements flooded the Internet, the biased British and western media filled the airwaves with images of reactionary, groomed and nurtured pro imperialist 'protesters' waving US flags. These forces stand in stark contrast to the Palestinian and other masses who fight the principle enemy of imperialism on a daily basis and through bitter struggle realise that imperialism can never play a progressive role.

We stand with the masses of the region including the anti imperialist repressed sections within Kosovo and support their fight against the principle enemy of imperialism. We look forward to the day when a new society can flourish on the ashes of imperialism and reaction!

Friday, October 03, 2008

Building the Maoist Communist Party in Italy (Interview released to the Nepali revolutionary press)

Q - Italy has long and outstanding history of human civilization. How is the present political situation here in Italy?
no doubt that Italy occupies a foreground place in the history of the human ; civilization, since it is the land of the ancient Rome, of masters of the literature and the arts, Dante Alighieri as well as Leonardo, and also of that particular "art", that is the politics, Machiavelli, and in more recent times, in the modem arts as the cinema, to not mention the sport.
It is clear that every achievement and advance for the humanity is deep-rooted in the history of the class struggle.
On the other hand, Italy brought also great damages to the humanity, through the historical role of the Catholic Church, mother of the "Santa Inquisizione" ! and of some of the darkest pages in the history, up to the fascism of Mussolini.' herald of the Nazism and, as its main ally, author of the most black pages in the history of the 20th century, the World War II, the Holocaust. The Italian proletariat, as contingent of the most advanced class in the history [ able to free the whole humanity by freeing itself, is today the only heir of the positive aspects of the Italian History and the only one that can give, through the socialist revolution, a further develop of the role of Italy in the history of; the
civilization toward its final goal, in an international dimension, the commu­nism.
Therefore, we have to pay a particular attention to the history of the workers and communist movement that. Indeed, since tine process of unify ing the country, the proletarians and the progressive forces played an important role. Then during the World War I, the extraordinary "red biennium" shook from within a country that was emerging as an imperialist power and showed the might, the revolutionary strength of the workers and peasants masses. This phase met its historical milestone with the birth of the Communist Party of Italy, based on the "21 points" established by the great Lenin and the Com­munist International, and, even more, during the following years, with the emerg­ing figure of Antonio Gramsci, the first one who applied, with the Thesis of Lyon, the Marxism-Leninism on the Italian reality. Also during the last years of his life spent in the fascist prison, Gramsci looked for an original path for the socialist revolution in Italy. This work makes him not only the most outstanding figure in the history of the Italian communist movement but also a reference and resource for the international communist movement as a whole. But, probably, the great. Antifascist Resistance that overthrew the fascist re­gime and drove away the Nazis invaders is the most glorious page the proletarians and the oppressed classes have written in Italy and Europe. Although it did not reach its final political goal, we consider the Resistance as the first historical experience of a war waged by the people and led by the proletariat and the Communist Party in an imperialist country, as a milestone and stage, with positive and negative lessons, of the struggle for the proletarian revolution in our country.
Italy, during the 60 and 70 years of the past century, has been also the scene of a great revolutionary movement of workers and students that in our country had a protracted extent, since the 68 up to the half of the 70ies, while the "French May" was brief and more intense. Within this movement it was expe­rienced the first effort to build a Marxist-Leninist- Mapist communist party (Mao Tsetung thought, as was said then) as well as the strongest attempt to raise again the flag of the armed struggle and open the road to the develop­ment of a real revolutionary struggle in our country, aspects of relevant impor­tance for the whole belt of the imperialist countries.
From this point of view, the birth and constitution of the PCM-Italy is not casual of merely subjective, but rather is a necessary result of the history of the class struggle in our country.
On the current political situation in Italy.
The first point to make clear is that Italy is an imperialist country, oscillating between the 5 and 7 rank amongst the world imperialist powers. So it definitely belongs the handful of big powers that exploit, oppress and today more than ever suppress two thirds of the humanity. A handful of rich country that live on the exploitation of the proletariat within them, and on the loot of the resources and the double exploitation of the proletarians and the people in the country of the third world.
Though among those imperialist powers today more than ever US imperialists play a dominant role, it is wrong, from our point of view, in the context of the world situation today, to underestimate the role played by the other imperialist countries or, in our case, by the Italian imperialism.
Italian imperialism supported and participated, directly or not, all the aggres­sion wars principally waged by US, playing the role of second ally, right after UK.
Italy played a decisive and fundamental role in war in the Balkans that fiercely divided Yugoslavia and brought again the war in the hart of Europe. Without the support of Italy, US, NATO, EU could not make that war and, as at the time of the Fascism, by means that war Italy gained an influence on the Alba­nia and a penetration in East Europe.
Before the mentioned wars, Italy had already directly intervened in Lebanon. Somalia, pursuing their own interests and features and renewing the epoch of the fascist colonialism and the horrible massacres in Libya, Somalia, and Alba­nia.
Today Italy directly participates with its troops the occupation of Iraq against the liberation struggle of the Iraqi people; it has recently strengthened the intervention in Afghanistan and provides "help", with money and troops, to the UN policy to cover the massacres made by Israel in Lebanon. Italy defends its interests for the control on the row materials, the energy sources, vital for the Italian imperialist economy, it competes for a "share of the cake" for the Italian transnational companies, from Eni to Fiat, looking for an outlet for its exceeding capitals and trying to satisfy the thirst of money if the Italian financial capital.
For all these reasons, all the governmental coalition that compete and succeed each other in the political stage in Italy serve the interest of the Italian imperi­alism, they compete to better play their role of business committee of the imperialist bourgeoisie, to keep the pace and meet the challenges of the cur­rent world situation. In order to realize this, Italian imperialist bourgeoisie need a more and more reactionary and militarized state, able to discharge the cost of the crisis and the military interventions on the proletarians and the masses, able to cut down the welfare state and concentrate all the resources in the support of the Italian capital in the international competition, able to smother the proletarian opposition and to prevent the birth, strengthening and develop­ment of the revolutionary forces, particularly of the revolutionary communist party.
In the recent times this kind of process of the State and the Institutions lias taken the general shape of a kind of Modem Fascism and Police State. We define it Modern Fascism because it attacks the Constitution born by the Resistance, all the achievements and the historical value of the antifascist Resistance. They call the antifascist partisans "bandits", they revaluate the Mussolini's fascism, they paint as "horrendous crime" the communist move­ment. All this is cemented by laws that, in the name of the "struggle against the terrorism" try to put outlaw the communists and their organizations. Although in our country dangerous fascist and new Nazis groups exist, today the modem Fascism "marches on Rome" using the state in a fascist way. with fascistic police and armed forces, with the "anti-subversion" emergency laws, with that we call the "media and TV fascism", and finally it aspires a form of real personal dictatorship, as the coalition led by Berlusconi does. The battle of Genoa and the fierce repression of the protests against the G8 showed to the world the character of this tendency of the Italian imperialist bourgeoisie and in the recent years the government of Berlusconi became known far out the Italian border, with its three-heads monster coalition led by the billionaire TV monopolist Berlusconi, the Fini's double-breasted suited fas­cism, the Bossi's separatist movement North League and, finally, the more reactionary wing of the farmer Christian Democracy connected with the Vati­can.
This coalition set in motion a strong people's, workers and students opposition, a strong movement against the Italian participation in the war and the military occupation in Iraq, a resumption of the women movement and also resistance among the elites of the press, the anticorruption judges, the antifascist and democratic intellectuals.
As result of this state of the things, in an electoral competition decided by the last vote, another coalition has prevailed, the centre-left coalition led by Prodi, allying the main social democratic forces, first the Left Democrats party, the former PCI, and the other wings of the former Christian Democracy, a coali­tion this time massively supported by the main revisionist party, Rifondazione Comunista, and all the organizations that keep it as reference. The Prodi's victory, while of course has been welcomed amongst the masses because it loosened the grip of Berlusconi and the united most reactionary forces on the government and the state system, on the other hand does not mark any substantial change in the general contents of the bourgeois govern­ment. The big industrial monopolies, the fraction of the financial capital op­posed to Berlusconi, hold an evident hegemony on the new government. The road taken by the Italian social-democrats is not that of Zapatero but that of Blair. The entry of the revisionist party in the government is a "fico leaf', it has not influence on the decision made by the government but it is decisive in order to try to impose those decisions among the masses. The equilibrium between the two coalitions is still very volatile, so that the bourgeoisie as a whole seeks the opportunity and makes pressure for a national unity government.
Our Party, even if with its actually small strength, has been very active, to­gether with all the revolutionary forces, in the mass struggle against the Berlusconi's government on all the fields, since the July 2001 in Genoa up today. It had a few significant experiences of political leadership and influence, but it also met all the difficulties coming from the prevailing presence in the mass movement of the forces linked with the centre-left coalition and having a petty bourgeois nature.
Therefore, before the recent elections it has been necessary and decisive to struggle to establish the ideological, political and programmatic autonomy of the proletariat in front of the ongoing inter-bourgeois competition. This is important not only strategically but also tactically. It needs to fight the illusions and the deviations within the mass movement brought by those who try to i make it the walking stick of the Prodi's government.
The dynamics of the political situation demands a good handle of the strategic firmness and the tactic flexibility and a sharp struggle against the opportunist tendencies acting in and influencing the mass movement. Also the struggle against the "leftist" tendencies goes on. Although smaller and less influencing the mass movement, they turn aside and negatively influence the communist militants and the vanguard proletarians regarding their role in movement. How­ever, the main enemies are still the revisionism and die opportunism. The struggle against the Modern Fascism and the police State, since the battle of Genoa, has been and even more is a favourable terrain to establish the road of the revolution, the need of a people's war having the character of a new Resistance.
Q - Com. Lenin said that Marx's theory has laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions. How is the history of MLM movement and struggle with revisionism here in Europe and Italy?
A - As after the October revolution it was not possible to be Marxist without being Marxist-Leninist, so today, at the light of the historical experience of the class struggle, it is not possible to be Marxist-Leninist without being Marxist-Leninist- Maoist. In this sense, the Maoism represents the third higher stage of the Marxism-Leninism- Maoism, being it in continuity, indissolubility and form­ing a single body with the development of the Marxism-Leninism in all the fields.
We are against the tendency to oppose these stages each other. Mao developed the revolutionary theory in all its fields: the Marxist philosophy, the scientific socialism, the military science and, particularly, in the continuing the revolution under the socialism. In this sense, to stress this aspect saying "principally Maoism" is correct, because the Maoism is today the key to apply MLM on the concrete reality of each country, to key to give new answers to the new problems of the revolution, the base on which communist parties of new type can be founded.
When MLM is applied on the concrete reality of the class struggle it is given new contributions and a further development. The application f the MLM made by the people's war in Peru has indeed given contributions, synthesized by the chairman Gonzalo and his thought, as well as contributions are coming from the people's war in Nepal, led by the "Prachanda path". Today the communist parties have the task to define, uphold and integrate these contributions in the ideological and political weaponry of the MLM theory. At the same time, it is well evident that the application of the MLM on the reality of the imperialist countries, an effort in which we have been engaged with the constitution of the PCm-Italy, will give other contributions to the MLM science.
As regards the application on the concrete reality of our country of the contri­bution coming from the revolution in Peru and Nepal, we apply the method of Lenin, who said "critical application" , distinguishing the universal aspects, gen­erally applicable, and the particular aspects valid in those countries. This is an important part of our work and of our ideological and political understanding.
In Europe and in Italy the MLM movement was bom following and inside the struggle against the modem revisionism developed by the Communist Party of China under the leadership of the chairman Mao Tsetung and, during a first phase, with the active participation of the Labour Party of Albania. The two writings of the CPC led by Mao Tsetung "on the divergences be­tween the comrade Tbgliatti and us" represented a fundamental point of refer­ence in the struggle against the modern revisionism in our country. From these writings came the call to separate from the modern revisionism ruling on the PCI led by Togliatti and to form up new revolutionary proletarian parties. Former cadres and members of the PCI gave birth to the Marxist-Leninist movement, then in the 1966 to the Communist Party (m-1). Although this was an important step, they based this party more on the defence of the comrade Stalin than of the Maoist criticism of his errors. Often they were leading cadres and bureau­crats emarginated by the new course of the revisionist leadership of the PCI, and not cadres forged by a leading role in the class struggle of the workers and the people's masses during the 50/60. These leaders did not develop an up­dated analysis of Italy, that was emerging, thanks the "economic boom", as an advanced imperialist country. So, while the struggle led by Mao Tsetung against modern revisionism met the apex with the Great Cultural Proletarian revolution, the PC of I (m-1), did not advance but rather retreated and had a crisis, prooving to be unable to head the great revolutionary movement, early of the students and later of the workers, that shook Italy in the 68-69.

The rumble of the GCPR was heard by the new generation that was unleashing the rebellion and the uprising in the heart of the imperialist countries. The slogan "to rebel is justified", "the working class must lead everything", the movement of the Red Guards, the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship, the communist party of new type - these were the flags coming from Mao and the GCPR raised in our countries by the students : and workers vanguards. Then new Marxist-Leninist organizations were formed. They deepened the criticism of the revisionism, in Italy the criticism of the PCI, and the criticism of the "realized socialism". This new wave supporting Mao and the GPCR draw feed from important events: the war in Vietnam and ! the great anti imperialistmovement , the social-imperialist degeneration of the USSR, the students and workers protests, the development of the feminist movement. It was a young movement, only at a certain degree forged by the class struggle. It did not hold enough a strategy, a tactics for the socialist ! revolution and so it suffered the general setback of the mass movement in the ' imperialist countries and the stop and reversal of the powerful liberation move- j ments of the oppressed people. Therefore it was neither able to build a genu- ine communist party or to resist the low tide and the end of the GCPR after the death of Mao.
Nevertheless, this movement and its main forces wrote important pages and opened the road to developments needed to constitute and build a Maoist com­munist party in Italy. The proletarian and students masses generated important I struggle experiences, including the armed struggle, and many ideological, po- , litical and organizational points rich of positive and negative lessons on which I to build.
If we look at that MLM movement as a whole, we can say that in the first phase the main deviation that appeared was the dogmatism and the right op­portunism, that had its class origin in the workers aristocracy and the political and trade-union bureaucracy, from which came most of the cadres who initi­ate the movement. Together with them, also elements coming from the coun­tryside which right the those years underwent a deep transformation, reduc­tion e proletarization, played an important role as well as the partisan cadres who had not followed the revisionist line but simply analysed that line as the betrayal of their leaders.
In the years after '68, the main deviation was the ideological, political and organizational leftism based on the intellectual petty bourgeoisie. Therefore it is very clear that the former degenerated when they aligned themselves with Enver Hoxha, and later with the brezhnevyte social-imperialists the latter de­generated in the form of the liquidation. Particularly, the petty bourgeois Mao­ism degenerated first through a propagandistic and idealistic attitude, emptying the Maoism of its class content and revolutionary praxis, separating them­selves and opposing the working class and then separating themselves and opposing the resumption of the armed struggle that the great movement in 68-70 was expressing.
The idealistic trajectory of the Maoism in Italy degenerated into a messianic and prefiguring application that mechanically and grotesquely reproduced in­side the party and in the relation with the advanced stragglers forms coming from the GCPR, up to turn the Maoist organization into a "Maoist sect" whose many representatives in the years later became into anticommunist reaction­aries.
This phenomenon appeared throughout the Europe, is the case of former Maoist leaders in France turned into "nouveau philosophes" and today fierce anti-Maoists and anticommunists.
To Sum up the historical experiences of the MLM movement in Italy, to analyze particularly the negative lessons was the main initial work of the base mili­tants, personally active in the MLM movement since the 68, which became the current leading cadres of the PCM. This work allowed to lay the proletar­ian and revolutionary basis on which, amidst the fire of the class struggle and closely linked with the masses, for the struggle to constitute/construc t the com­munist party of new type needed for the proletarian revolution in Italy.

Q - How is your experience of building Maoist party in Italy!
A - The PCm- Italy was formed the First of May 2000 raising the red flag of the socialist revolution in Italy, to unite under the Maoism all the advanced proletarians and the genuine revolutionaries around die strategy of the peo­ple's war applied on the conditions of an imperialist country as ours, and to put it into the practice of a New Begin of the struggle to seize the proletarian power in Italy and march together with the proletarians and the people of the world toward the socialism and communism.

The constitution of the PCm-Italy is the fruit of a 20 years long work of the Italian MLM communists.
At the end of 80s the Maoists in Italy had not a party. The Marxist-Leninist forces had abandoned die Maoism, having turned into hoxhyte and pro-USSR organizations. On the other hand, the protracted process that dissolved the PC(m-l)I was going on and, more important, in our country the degenerated Maoism had been discredited among the ranks of the proletariat, the youth and the women movements.
The work of summing up and rebuilding was initiated by the Communist Col­lective of Agit/Prop in Taranto, an industrial and military town in the South of the country, whose cadres came from the different experiences of the 70s. They upheld the struggle against the modern revisionism and the separation from the PCI carried forward by the PCd'I(m-l). They upheld the first effort to apply the Maoism and the GCPR on the Italian reality made by the PC(m-1)I and other Maoist groups. At the same time, diey fought die dogmatic/revi­sionist degeneration of the PCd'I(m-l) as well as the populist and petty bour­geois application of the Maoism made by the PC(m-l)I. These breakings were necessary but not sufficient in order to begin the foundation of the CommunistParty. It needed also to fight the tendency to eclectically fuse the Maoists widi the petty bourgeois revolutionaries, the "Autonomous" that had marked the last part of the life of the PC(m-l)I. It needed to analyze all the development of the workers and students movements during the 68-77 years to grasp the positive and fight die negative aspects and to integrate those experiences and lessons in the weaponry of the MLM battle to constitute/construc t the Party. It needed to analyze the resumption of the working class struggle, the move­ment of the "factory councils" and the movement of the "workers base com­mittee". It needed to deal with die ongoing experiences of armed struggle represented by the red brigades and other groups, to struggle against the wrong theory and practice of the "guerrilla Party". It needed to study the points of antirevisionist practice and analysis developed by the students and women movements of the 68-77 years.
Thanks the invitation made by die RCP US, in the 82-84 the Communist Col­lective of Agit/Prop participated die founding Conference of the RJM and, at the same time, welcomed the rumble of the people's war in Peru as a great flag, call, ideological and practical reference to establish the Maoism. Agit/Prop clearly pointed out that it is correct to unite the communist parties and organization of the world in order to uphold the Marxism-Leninism, the GPCR and the great contributions made by Mao Tsetung and to put them as the base from which the march of the communist movement can be resumed after the loss of the China and the death of Mao. At the same time, Agit/Prop pointed out that the action of the Maoists, then the people's war launched by the PCP and skilfully led by the chairman Gonzalo, is the weapon that allows establishing the Maoism.
The Communist Collective of Agit/Prop was founding member of the RIM, subscribed its Declaration and, on the base of that issued its Base Docu­ment, the first document for an ideological, political, analytical and program­matic delimitation of the Italian Marxist-Leninist- Maoists. In the following years, the Communist Collective of Agit/Prop developed the struggle essentially against the economistic understandings, expressing the continuity with the old M-L movement within the new MLM movement, as well as against those who, in the name of the "struggle against the economism" for the "supremacy of the ideology" and the "democratic tactics", were wa­tering and denying the revolutionary substance of the MLM, separating it from the struggle of the working class and the practice of the class struggle and making the MLM an idealistic and ethic/existential philosophy, a liberal demo­cratic politics and practice, an intellectualistic organization like a discussion club.
Through this struggle, Agit/Prop advanced in the formation of the organisation for the MLM party on a class base, in the grasp of the Maoism as active weapon, and developed the first embryo of application of the revolutionary strategy and politics. In the 1988 the national organization of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists was formed with the name of Communist Organization Rossoperaio. This organization elaborated a plan for the constitution of the MLM communist Party in our country, in the framework of the struggle within the RIM.
Carrying forward the active ideological struggle (AIS) and the two lines strug­gle (2LS), Rossoperaio explicitly undertook and realized as its tasks:
1. To actively participate on international scale the process of upholding/de­fence/establishing the Maoism, strengthening with a spirit of unity/struggle its liaison with the RIM and, inside it, with the PCP, widely propagating in our country, through the campaigns in support of the people's war in Peru, the actuality of the Maoism.
2. To form up an organization of Maoist cadres, forged by the daily struggle of the class and able to develop a revolutionary politics among the proletarians and the masses, by means the fundamental weapon of a national MLM communist political newspaper.
3. To begin of the process of fusing the Maoists with the advanced workers. recognizing the historically determined forms in which they were organizing their own struggle, their embryonic political experience, in order to win, through leadership of significant experiences, their recognition and confidence.
Through this work Rossoperaio became stronger in Italy and known in Europe as a genuine Maoist organization able to undertake the responsibility to build the party amidst the fire of the class struggle and closely linked with the masses. Creatively applying the MLM on the reality of the class struggle, struggling for the solution of the concrete problems of the constitution/ construction of the party, the Italian Marxist-Leninist- Maoists developed the elements of the spe­cific thought not only useful in Italy but also necessary in the Europe and the imperialist countries today. What are these elements?
Against the new revisionism, the petty bourgeois revolutionaries and the false Maoists:
a. We pointed out the existence of an inseparable nexus between theParty and the workers and proletarian self-organisation, based on theconcrete analysis and on the mass line demanded by the phase of theconstitution/ construction. In Italy and in the European countries, infront of the fact that the Maoists had degenerated and disappearedpolitically and organizationally, the vanguard workers and proletariansin their struggle continued developing and develop their separationfrom the trade-union and political revisionism, giving live to forms oftrade-union and political self-organization. Therefore, it became andbecomes a need for the Maoist communists building the proletarianparty to recognize this datum coming from the reality, to enter theseworkers and proletarian organizations, to fight the economism, theanarchic trade-unionism, the ideological and political eclecticism, towin to the constitution of the Maoist Communist Party the most ad­vanced workers and proletarian cadres through a vanguard role intheir struggles.
b. Within the organization, the active ideological struggle and the twolines struggle were developed to transform the ideology and the prac­tice of the members in order to realize the Big Leap of the constitutionof the Party, able to prepare, begin and develop the people's war andits concentrated form, the armed struggle, in an imperialist countrylike Italy.
c. We stressed the decisive importance to "unchain the fury of the women
as powerful weapon of the revolution" and concretized that in the discovery/indicatio n to develop a revolutionary proletarian feminist movement (MFPR) and the role of the women in the constitution of the party as Maoist communist party of new type, that develops since its birth that "revolution in the revolution" demanded by all the phases of the proletarian and socialist revolution.
Therefore, the constitution took place based on the definition of
thesis, fruit not of an academic study but of the fusion of the MLM theory with the practice and the concrete reality of the imperialist Italy, the fusion of the analysis with the experience.
All the thesis of our constitution, based on the concrete analysis of the con­crete situation, on the summing up the history of the communist movement in Italy and particularly the history of the revolutionary movement as a whole since the 68 up today and, as part of this, the history of our organization in the past 20 years, all these thesis are important and we consider them a contribu­tion to the RIM and to the struggle to form MLM parties in the imperialist countries.
However, we specially stress the thesis 5, where we analyze, on the basis of our application of the MLM and of our experience, the difference and dialec­tic relation between AIS and 2LS and where we deepen the question of the ideological unity of the core that constitutes the Party. It was the main problem we met. It is not easy to be communist in the imperialist countries and to be really communist, in the theory and the practice of the Maoism, is even harder. We understand the revolution as a choice of the live, because, as conscious vanguards of the class, the communists put, and transform, their lives serving the class and the revolution, through a choice that changes and determines their whole lives; we understand the militancy, not as the application of an ethic but as permanent destruction, because the communist militants have not a model to adhere, no ethics to follow but that to be permanent and restless destroyers of the bourgeois ideas that continuously influence the class struggle and reproduce themselves, phase after phase; we understand the class char­acter of the ideology as the need to recognize that the communist militants are not an island of communism but they act in the class struggle, struggling, relat­ing themselves and interacting with the masses from which they absorb ideas, class contradictions and behaviours, ideological and practical forms coming from the ruling classes, against which they need a permanent tension to de­stroy them and to transform themselves and their own lives. Once the comrades have chosen to be member of the organization, to be are politically active in that, the organizations can become a kind of community/ social stratum. A political militant permanently interjects elements from its practice and early or later certain elements of his style of live influence his ideology. It is, at certain degree, unavoidable. At the aim of the ideological struggle the point is to understand this and to be aware that also this is terrain of struggle, because if we do not understand and treat this problem the conse­quence is always the separation from the working class. Mao taught us that the 2LS is the engine of the development of the Party. Against the theory of the monolithic party, Mao pointed out that only a party that constantly develops the two lines struggle, as reflecting the struggle be­tween the classes, has in its hand the weapon that allows to strengthen itself and to prevent its degeneration.
On the basis of our historical experience, we say that inside the Party the 2LS daily takes place through the AIS, which is not the same thing. 2LS means that there are two lines, not simply two different ways of thinking, two points of view etc.
When we do not wage the AIS toward the militants to transform the back­ward aspects of their practical life, then they will give political base to that practical life and will oppose the political line of the Party. Therefore the AIS is also a kind of prevention against the structuring of a black line.
In the imperialist countries a few aspects of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology are very strong since they solidified in many years, after the high tide of the revolutionary movement in the 68-75, and characterized the following low tide. Particularly: the petty bourgeois "privatism", the wide-spread ideol­ogy of the pert}' bourgeoisie having a broad influence among the proletarian ranks: the senile arrogance of the "senior" militants; the demi/lumpen- prole-tarian infantilism, fruit of the structural process that brought about massive unemployment, protracted staying of the youth inside the families, etc.
Finally we emphasize that the ideology is built as thought but lives as action. It means that the character of the ideology of the nucleus that today constructs the party has to live in a political-military content, because the strategy of the party is the people's war. The experience of armed organizations and their failure made clear that is the politics of the party that leads die guns and that the communist militants are forged by the daily and general class struggle of the proletariat. Only political militants proofed by the class struggle and by the understanding that the politics leads the class war, also when it takes place in a legal form, only those are able to correctly handle the concept of political-military militant.
Q - Com Mao said that every thing depends on whether or not the ideo­logical and political line is correct. Would tell us your party line on the question of strategy and tactics of proletarian revolution in imperialist country like Italy?
A-Mao said: "the seizure of the power with the armed struggle, the solution of the problem through the war is the central task and the highest form of revolution, this revolutionary Marxist-Leninist principle is valid everywhere, in chine as well as in all the other countries. However, even if the principle does not change, the proletarian parties apply it in different ways, according the different conditions".
To apply on the specific conditions of an imperialist country means to see the points of unity and difference with the other country in the world. At the same time, it means to put this strategy in the concrete history of a country like Italy.
In our thesis we first define the first the aim and the fundamental purpose of the Maoist Communist Party today: we struggle for the socialist revolution in our country and in the world, to establish the proletarian dictatorship that leads the transformation toward the socialism and, through the cultural revolutions. The program of the proletarian dictatorship is unique and it corresponds to the type of society.
The imperialist bourgeoisies have no chance to detain the unstoppable process that sharpens the contradictions coming from the current stage of develop­ment of the imperialism.
The socialization of the production on international scale reached an unprec­edented level of development and developed a tremendous potential to solve of the problems of the humanity. There are all the conditions to form up a rich humanity, for a. global qualitative leap toward human subjectivities owner of themselves. But before this gigantic development of the productive forces, what is the reality that the imperialist bourgeoisies impose?. While the rich­ness is more and more concentrated in the hands of few people, the new poorness grows, at an unprecedented level in the modern epoch, at whose centre is the proletariat, the most exploited class in the history in the world. The extraordinary development of the technologies, etc. corresponds to the destruction of the eco-system, crisis of supplying and economic forms coming from the century 19 or even from the middle age. The unprecedented oppor­tunity for world cooperation, reciprocal equal exchanges amongst people, States and nations corresponds to the infamous of permanent scarcities, hunger, glo­bal disasters with more and more tragic consequences up to the destruction, in the developed countries of the modern transportation systems. The concrete opportunity to develop a rich humanity corresponds to the effort of the bour­geoisie that objectively reduce the level of brainpower of the individuals, aimed to turn them into narrow, stupid subjectivities, even beasts. The opportunity of a humanity owner of itself corresponds to the effort to make it slave of vogues and celebrities, religion, fathers and masters. The opportunity the treat the sexual contradictions for a qualitative development of the relations between men and women, the sexual liberation related with a new role of the women corresponds to a new and huger sexual oppression, the increasing of the per­versions, a worse crisis in the relation man-woman and all the other relation involved with that. The almost miraculous opportunity to put an end to the diseases corresponds to the reappearing of already defeated diseases, of the health-risk becomes a general phenomenon with danger of hecatombs con­nected not only with the nuclear risk but with the "natural" disasters, epidem­ics etc.
From all this comes the contradiction not solvable under this capitalist system between the development of the production forces and the chain of the pro­duction relation, the necessity to overthrow this system. This is the reason of the revolution. A proletarian revolution, because the world proletariat is the main class whose interest is to overthrow the world. A socialist revolution, because the socialism meets the practical need given by the development of the production forces to socialize the production.
The imperialist society brings about problems that can be solved only by the power in the hands of die proletariat and each stage of the revolution need to collect these demands and turn them into slogan to integrate in the program of the revolution.
The socialization is the only form that corresponds to the dynamics of the transition, so that not only the individuals but the society as a whole becomes tool and target of a process of transformation.
In order to apply the strategy and tactics of the revolution the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists need a concrete analysis of the concrete situation, developing an updated analysis of the modern imperialist system.
To uphold the Leninist theory of the imperialism against the theories of the globalization, the end of the nation state, so forth, is not enough. The modern imperialism state shows a few aspects that we need to analyze: the inclusion of the of the national States in international structures, as WTO, IMF, EU, is a structural feature of the modern State having important consequences for the class struggle; die organic integration of the workers aristocracy in the struc­tures of the State; the dimension of the state apparatus of control and ideologi­cal consensus that absorbs and uses the scientific thought (from the psychoa­nalysis to the sociology) and turns it into weapon to scientifically build and organize the consensus around the bourgeois state and the ruling class. We can call it the "big brother" State.
Let's explain this with an example: in the imperialist society the police perse­cution, the social control of the political opposition are not new, but today we live inside a generalized spying network, where the intelligence not only tar­gets the actors of the political struggle, the "subversives" , but is an established an generalized system targeting everybody and the whole life, not only the activities connected with the political struggle. At the same time, the control of the territory, that earlier was an aspect present only in the sharpest phases of the social struggle or during the civil wars, today has become a preventive catalogued system
The last aspect is not only a theoretical problem but in strategic terms implies a relation between the de-structuring of such apparatuses and the construc­tion of the revolutionary process and the new power. Our goal is to make the socialist revolution in our country and to establish the proletarian dictatorship, to build the socialist state and to march toward the communism through the proletarian cultural revolutions, in the framework of the struggle of the world proletariat and as part of the international communist movement. Our strategy is the protracted people's war. It goes through three stages: the strategic defensive, equilibrium and offensive ...


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