Monday, October 29, 2007

Poor But Defiant, Thousands March on Delhi in Fight for Land Rights

The rush to industrialize has left tribal people and 'untouchables' far behind.

On a hot, dusty highway some 40 miles (70km) from Delhi, a human column snakes its way towards the Indian capital carrying a unique message of defiance to the country's leaders: "Give us back our land." Some 25,000 of India's poorest people - tribal peoples, "untouchables" and landless laborers - have stopped traffic for nearly three weeks on the road that links Delhi and Agra, home to the Taj Mahal. Headed by a group of chanting Buddhist monks, the marchers say they aim to shame the government into keeping its promise to redistribute land. The human train has been eating, living and washing by the road since early October and by the end of the week will arrive at the Indian parliament, vowing to remain a public embarrassment until the government relents. Last week three marchers were killed by a speeding lorry. With fists and voices raised, the scene is a world away from Indian newspaper headlines about the country's new luxury goods market or its soaring stock markets. Nowhere is this process of concentrating wealth in a tiny segment of the population more visible than in the ground beneath Indians' feet. India has one of most iniquitous systems of land ownership in the world - much worse than China. Last week India's biggest real estate baron made a paper fortune of £500m in a day. Government figures show that the average expenditure of countryside household India to be just 500 rupees a month or about 20p a day. Most of the marchers say their dire condition is because they have no patta (deeds) to their land. Unable to grow produce on their ancestral land and with no patta to access state welfare services, the villagers are now fighting a losing war against poverty. "I haven't got any rights on my land," said Prem Bai from the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. "I have got four boys and can hardly manage the family with few days' work labouring on other's fields. If we go to forests then the forest department arrests us. Our life is very difficult." Others say their land is being grabbed by local mafias and corrupt officials. Shikari Baiga, 25, says land his family was cultivating was grabbed by local officials to grow biofuels on. Hailing from the Baiga tribe, a people with a distinctive language and culture in India's Chhattisgarh state, progress - and land rights - have eluded his community for hundreds of years. "I was put in jail for one year for demanding our land back. Fourteen families lost 75 acres [30 hectares]. But they tell us: where are your [patta]?. We can do nothing. That is why we are going to Delhi to get justice." The march is the brainchild of a veteran Gandhian, PV Rajagopal, who made his name by persuading bandits in central India to lay down their arms in the 1970s. He says the human caravan is a warning shot to the "establishment". Mr Rajagopal says there is a rising tide of violence in the country as the poor "are being driven out of villages and slums in cities". In the country's rush to industrialize, he adds, "we've seen alarming examples of outsiders seizing land on vast scales while the local rural poor are denied land. The result will be bloodshed and violence on a massive scale unless the government acts". The issue is increasingly an explosive one in India, where incomplete reforms have left much of the country in the hands of a few. Extreme left wing groups have tapped the rising anger in rural areas to wage low-intensity guerrilla wars in 172 of India's 600 districts. Riots and armed insurrection are now prominent features of attempts to industrialize much of India. Earlier this month four directors of a South Korean company - which was handed 1,600 hectares to build a £6bn steel plant in mineral-rich eastern India - were kidnapped by tribal people protesting over the loss of their historic homelands. In March an attempt to hand over 9,000 hectares of farmland to big business ended in pitched battles and half a dozen villagers dead in Bengal. Even India's most important development agency, the planning commission, is blunt about how little has been done to tackle the issue of land redistribution. "Land reforms seem to have been relegated to the background in the mid-1990s. More recently, initiatives of state governments have related to liberalising of land laws in order to promote large-scale corporate farming," it stated in its 10th plan. Mr Rajagopal met Sonia Gandhi, India's most powerful politician and president of the ruling Congress party, earlier this month to press his case for immediate land reform for the poor. He says the manifesto that saw Ms Gandhi elected pledged new land-ceiling laws, limiting the size of landlords' holdings, and tenancy rights, but none has arrived. Some say that the problem lies in the Indian state's indifference to its poorest people - "tribals" and "untouchables". "There are 120 million people who have no rights in this country," says Balkrishna Renake, chairman of India's national commission for denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes. "They are still waiting in independent India for the right to vote, to have schools and teachers, and for their land." He estimates that redistributing just 2.5% of India's total area would be enough to allow the country's poor to exist "with dignity". "The question is not whether we have the land but whether the government has the moral courage."

Saturday, October 27, 2007


We adopted their lifestyles like pub culture but here are some photoes that show what should we learn first from them......... one photo which is very rare to see in india , even a small politician who visits flood affected areas will have a big gang behind him and see the photo below American president with just 4-5 people behind him.

Report: Communist rebels kill 17 villagers in east India festival attack, police say

Communist rebels attacked a village festival in eastern India with gunfire and bombs Saturday, killing at least 17 people, news reports said.
About 25 Maoist guerrillas attacked the cultural festival in the remote state of Jharkhand, opening fire indiscriminately on the crowd, the Press Trust of India news agency quoted police as saying.
Local police chief Arun Kumar Singh said 14 people died at the scene and three others died later. Four more people were wounded, he said.
Among the dead was the son of the state's former chief minister, Babulal Marandi, Singh told PTI. It was not clear if he was the target of the attack, but the rebels frequently target police and government officials.
Local police could not immediately be reached for comment.
The rebels, also known as Naxalites because of the Naxalbari region where the movement was born, are mainly active in six of India's 28 states _ Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Karnataka, Orissa and Chattisgarh _ where widespread poverty has fueled a lengthy insurgency by militants demanding land and jobs for agricultural laborers and the poor.
The movement claims inspiration from Chinese revolutionary Mao Zedong.
India's recent economic boom has created immense wealth, but the prosperity has not reached most of its 1.1 billion people, two-thirds of whom are farmers. Many peasants have joined the insurgents in the demand for land and jobs.

Tuesday, October 23, 2007


A decisive rupture from a reformist line and adopting a revolutionary strategy based on the concrete objective situatioin in the country and the world led to the initiation of the People's War in Nepal in 1996. Based on boundless creative power of the revolutionary masses the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), CPN(M), has nurtured and led a colosal revolutionary movement with the strategy of people seizing the political power. The CPN(M)'s scientific vision, shear determination and daring spirit hand in hand with the masses inexhustible enthusiasm for revolution has created a fantastic march of millions of concious men and women on the path to establish the first red base area of the world revolution in the 21 century. Ten years of achieving qualitative leaps in making revolution through massive development of the People's War has established people's power in most of the country. Millions of downtroden people for the first time in their life on the basis of revolutionary conciousness have taken their destiny into their own hands, demolished the old state bit by bit and tasted real freedom. What a refreshing taste!Ten years of waging revolutionary war including successful tactics of peace and negotiation with the old state showed that the revolutionary leaders in Nepal have mastered the art of making revolution. These tactics proved that the correct handling of the political and military aspects and their inter-relation to mobilise the masses for advancing the revolution has been implemented by the CPN(M).CPN(M) has skilfully developed its own set of tactics which corresponds to the concrete condition of Nepal. Establishment of the people's power in most of the country and the 19 days nationwide mass demonstrations against the old state in April 2006 created a new situation. By analysing the new situation the CPN(M) synthesised the immediate task of overthrowing the feudal monarchy - the main obstacle for the revolution at this stage - might be achieved peacefully through massive ever growing political intervention. Once again CPN(M) showed it is ready to advance the revolution using both hands; one hand by peaceful means, one hand for taking power by rebellion.

Previously, there were two periods of peace and negotiations, 2001 and 2003, but the new situation in April 2006 once again required political intervention. The third political intervention was carried out within the final stages of the strategic offensive to unite the people and isolate the monarchy even further. The tactic of peace and political offensive invariably conformed with the demands of the revolutionary masses at that stage and consequently strengthen the CPN(M)'s ties with the masses. However, this time CPN(M) had grown to become the major force in the country and therefore its political intervention could have been nothing less than participation in the government representing the people's power in the whole country.

This tactic politicised the whole nation. Every man and woman in the country and abroad was drawn into a nationwide debate. The CPN(M) initiated and led a vibrant debate about the nature and the role of the old state, the autocratic monarchy which is backed by the imperialists and Indian expansionists, and the new state, a Democratic Republic which in the Nepalese context is mainly based on the power of the people.

Indeed, this was a new and a daring experiment in the history of the class struggle in the world. It was based on the fact that the road for revolution is full of twists and turns as well as the fact that there is always a need to create a favourable objective situation to advance the revolution to the next stage. CPN(M) changed its tactical line and the form of the struggle temporarily on the basis of its victorious political and military strategy. In fact, the leaders of the revolution were well aware of the fact that this tactic was definately a new and a risky experiment.

The tactic streched the politicisation of the people to the four corners of the country and beyond. Every person and organisation was faced with the principal question of the revolution at this stage: Autocratic monarchy or democratic republic? The massive political process initiated and led by the CPN(M) provided the opportunity and the choice of the state for all the people. It clearly demonstrated that in spite of its political and military power the CPN(M) is the most democratic organisation in the country, genuinly cares about people's opinion and truly represents the people's interest. During this period not only more and more middle classes were won over to the side of the revolution, even the upper classes were given the same choice and put to the test. CPN(M) has shown that it is striving to create a society within which there will be democracy for the vast majority of the population.

Despite all efforts of the US imperialism and the Indian expansionism against the revolution in Nepal, CPN(M) was successful to form a tactical alliance with the parliamentarian parties to isolate the monarchy. However, since last year certain factions of the ruling class have also tightened their alliance and in fact with the king, because they know that the force of revolution is on the path to sweep their classes out the state power altogether.

Disruption of the democratic political process, instigating and fueling violence against the people especially in Terai, selling out the interests of the masses especially the Madhesis are a few examples of their efforts to isolate the CPN(M). These forces hand in hand with the US imperialists and Indian expansionists are desperately trying to dishearten and divide the people and split the 7 party alliance mainly to discredit the CPN(M). In fact they are putting all their efforts to create a favourable objective situation for imperialists and reactionaries to attack and crush the revolution.

On 18 September 2007 comrade Baburam Bhattari (a senior leader of the revolution) announced in Kathmandu that the CPN(M) has quitted the interim government. He said "Our efforts to declare republic from the parliament has failed. Now we will declare republic from the streets. Therefore, we have decided to come in the midst of the people ... We will struggle for the purpose of having real election not this hypocritical drama ... Our protests will be peaceful but if anybody tries to make it violent we will retaliate with the same kind of actions." This move clearly shows that the CPN(M) tactic has not been on the path of strategically compromising with the old state. Furthermore it proved that unlike all other parties, the CPN(M) is not struggling to gain power for itself but it is leading the revolution with a genuine belief in power to the people.

Revolution in Nepal is advancing in a world situation specific to the first decade of the 21st century within which the objective situation is excellent to make revolution, however, the subjective situation is lagging behind. Thus, the main challenge for the revolutionaries around the world is to overcome their subjective problems of making revolution and in this respect, CPN(M) is a shining example. Today it is essential to mobilise masses to defend the revolution in Nepal as well as applying its lessons to different objective situations. we need more than ever to march shoulder to shoulder with our millions of brothers and sisters in Nepal to make history together.

Thursday, October 18, 2007

'Unification is the only way to advance the cause of the Indian revolution'

The dirty golden rays of the candle, stuck crookedly on top of an inverted flash-light, glinted off the Naxalite's glasses as he prepared to answer yet another query from the visiting journalist. In the shadows, his gaunt face looked more strained. He responded characteristically, softly, in Telugu, a hand on the hip, the other cradling his stengun.
This is Muppalla Lakshmana Rao. Infamous as Ganapathy, head of the outlawed Communist Party of India-Marxist-Leninist People's War.
In person, Ganapathy -- wiry, medium height, thinly moustached with specks of grey in his hair -- comes across as unassuming, unimpressive and utterly harmless. There is no hint that this is a man whom the Bharatiya Janata Party considers one of the most dangerous in the country. No hint that this is one for whose head the Andhra Pradesh government would gladly pay over a million rupees.
A bit shy, a bit unsure, he looks and behaves like the school teacher he once was.
One of the few to have risen in ranks without serving in a dalam (guerrilla squad), the 48-year-old revolutionary has been with the movement since the 1970s. For the last 20 years, the forests have been his refuge. He took over as PW secretary in 1992 after the ouster of the legendary Kondapalli Seetharamaiah.
The PW, with ideology firmly rooted in Marxist-Leninist-Maoist thought, has today emerged as a powerful force in parts of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. So much so that Home Minister L K Advani is taking an active interest in trying to wipe it out.
The revolutionaries' strategy for expansion is through mergers with like-minded organisations. As part of this, it merged with the Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist Party Unity, mainly operational in Bihar, recently.
Senior Feature Writer Chindu Sreedharan rendezvoused with the Naxal leader deep in the forests of Andhra Pradesh after a gruelling five-hour night march. An excerpt from a rare interview recorded soon after Ganapathy, together with the defunct Party Unity's secretary, Prasad, announced the unification of their parties:
How did the merger come about?
In April 1994, our unity talks with the Maoist Communist Centre broke down completely. But even while those talks were on, we had fraternal relations with the PU. A central committee delegation had met with the PU in 1993 to understand their basic line of thought. We had informed our MCC comrades about this primary level meeting. At the next meeting with the MCC, it became clear that it was not possible to unify with them at present. We started unity talks with the PU. There were many differences when we began, but over discussions we have solved all the fundamental questions. There are a few minor issues that remain to be settled. These will be settled in the next party congress.
What is the political significance of this unification?
There are many oppressed nationalities in India fighting the imperialist government. For instance, in Jammu and Kashmir and the North-East. We expect the merger to have a positive impact on their fights.
In our agenda for a new democratic revolution, there are two aspects -- the agrarian revolution and fight for nationality. For the development of a new democratic revolution, the unification of the two is needed. Our merger is a cue for such unification.
In India there are several movements now cropping up under the leadership of the petty bourgeoisie. They are of several social groups. Our merger will act as an inspiration for them. It will give them the necessary impetus to struggle. It will rejuvenate them. Likewise, there are many revolutions developing in semi-colonial, colonial and capitalist countries due to imperialist exploitation and oppression. The merger will give them inspiration and strength to fight on.
How will your merger help movements in other countries?
Our merger will put the task of unity before the revolutions of the world. Everywhere, the oppressed people are fighting against the same enemy: Imperialism. Our merger will convey to them that without unifying against the common enemy, the revolution cannot succeed. Thus, our unity will help the unifying process world-wide.
Does the merger have any military significance? Will it translate into military prowess for the PW in Bihar, in Telangana or Dandakaranya (a PW guerrilla zone spread over AP, Maharashtra, Orissa and MP), where the party is badly in need of personnel?
Despite the unity, our party is very small. The enemy is much stronger. The PW is still confined to a small area. In our areas, we require revolutionaries and guerrillas. Even in areas where we are not present, we require revolutionaries and guerrillas. In such conditions, the merger might not translate into military prowess there or here. We will not be able to transfer men from one place to another.
But the unification will definitely have a positive military impact in the long run. In the short-run, the PW have gained in experience. Between the old PW and the PU, we have vast experience in conducting class struggles. This has now been pooled together. We will gain a lot from these. The unification will also see a combined military leadership and more military camps.
How much has the PW's strength gone up by the merger?
That's a technical question I don't want to answer.
What kind of impact will this have on the MCC? Wouldn't this kill any chance the PW has of unifying with them in future?
We believe the MCC will take it positively. They are the only genuine revolutionary party in the country besides the PW. Our party has great desire to have unity with them. And we are confident that we will achieve it. Through unity of action, we will achieve unity with them. The merger will lead to maturity of conditions for unification. This is the first step in the unification of all revolutionary forces. The MCC would welcome it.
Isn't that a bit too optimistic? Chances are that the MCC would feel threatened now and try to wipe out the PW from Bihar. After all, the merger hasn't changed anything for it. The differences it had with the PU still remain...
We admit there were clashes between the MCC and the PU. But the clashes were confined to those two parties. Now there's no PU. It will be the PW that will be operating in Bihar from now on. Taking into consideration the interests of the Indian revolution, the MCC now has to define its relation with the PW. We expect comradely relations, not violence, from them. Our central committee will make serious efforts to solve the troubles that existed between them and the PU. We expect the talks to transform the physical clashes into political debate.
To advance the cause of the Indian revolution, unification is the only way. As a serious and sincere revolutionary party, the MCC also understands this. Which is why we feel that they will take this merger positively. The truth of this expectation will be proved in practice.
This is your expectation, but which may prove completely wrong. In case the MCC steps up its violence, how will you protect yourself? As you admitted, it is not possible to shift personnel from here to Bihar.
That question does not rise because we are expecting positive results.
The question is, how can you be so confident about that?
Like I said earlier, no serious revolutionary party will be against the unity of revolutionary forces. No serious revolutionary party will feel threatened by the unity of revolutionary forces. And the MCC is a serious, sincere revolutionary organisation. They will take the merger positively.
What exactly will be the PW's plan of action for Bihar with regard to the MCC?
The first step is to rectify the mistakes committed by our comrades and the MCC. The second is to hold talks about these with them and arrive at a permanent solution. We are sure that these will give definite results. Now let the MCC comrades speak out. Let them make their stand on the merger known. Let them show in practice what type of reaction they have.
Does this mean that you don't rule out the possibility of a clash?
There's no point in discussing that now. We are confident about the MCC's reaction. We will discuss it if there comes a stage when we are not confident about them.
You said the MCC was the only genuine revolutionary group in the country. Does this mean that you consider the other splinter ML groups as not worthy of joining up with?
The PW invites all genuine revolutionary organisations to unify. We welcome the comrades in the other rightist and leftist groups to fight against their leadership and join the revolution. At present, we do not plan to hold unity talks with any other party other than the MCC. Some of the left groups reject the parliamentary process and support the protracted people's war -- but they practise this in a sectarian manner. If they are ready to rectify this mistake, we will definitely hold talks with them, even with the smallest.
Which are these groups with whom you would like to unite in future?
Groups like the Second Central Committee.
How do you think such splinter groups would react to this merger?
I think it will trigger off more interest in unifying with us. Small sections of many splinter groups have been joining our party since 1992-93, mainly in North India, Srikakulam and North Telangana. This process of unification of genuine revolutionaries, from rightist or leftist parties, will gain momentum from this merger. After the 1972 split, many revolutionaries and sympathisers were spread far and wide. We expect the merger to prompt them to join us. More than unification talks, the party will concentrate on bringing such people into the movement. What we want is to rebuild 1972 on a higher plane. What we want is to rejuvenate the dormant revolutionary spirit and potentialities in these comrades.

Tuesday, October 16, 2007


Maoists have begun tapping the internet to spread their message and influence. But they don't just stop there, they are also using the information superhighway to find new young recruit.

Security agencies have identified 9 blogs frequently visited by youngsters. Several websites and blogs are now under the scanner. Blogs like the Naxal Revolution, Peoples March and Red Diary are being seen as a tool to spread the Maoist web.

Intelligence sources say Maoists are targeting educated young people to set up an intelligence force, in cities in Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Maoists keep a watch on visitors to blog sites and send out emails to prospective recruits.

The Maoist emails seek educational details and focus on luring software professionals. Sources in the Home Ministry have told Times Now that the government is aware of the Maoist strategy to use the internet for propaganda. The government says its keeping a watchful eye and is trying to track those funding online channels spreading Maoist propaganda. Home ministry sources say intelligence is aware of those propagating for Maoists and accepting payments online. Such online behavior is punishable under the NSA.

Sunday, October 14, 2007

Doctor who treated a Naxalite is now behind bars

diptosh majumdar,ibn
New Delhi: A law-abiding citizen who was actively involved in community service in Chattisgarh has been put behind bars. His crime? He investigated a few fake encounter cases in the Naxalite hit districts of the state.
Dr Binayak Sen has been languishing in Raipur jail for the past three-months. Even though the state government has no incriminating evidence against him, he has been charged with promoting Naxalite outfits in the state.
Sen used to teach community health workers, ways of treating common ailments like, malaria and cholera. He was an integral part of backward Chhatisgarh's rural health care scheme.
But for the past two-years Dr Sen had drawn himself into investigating fake encounter cases in the Naxalite-affected districts, Dantewara and Bastar.
He reportedly criticized the way the government was promoting Salwa Judum—an anti Naxalite movement and also raised questions on “fake encounters” taking place in the state.

A 750-page chargesheet was slapped on him in which he was charged with having links with Naxalites.
Prima facie, the chargesheet does not have enough incriminating evidence against Sen.
It simply insists on implicating Dr Sen for having visited a Maoist functionary, Narayan Sanyal in the Raipur jail 33 times.
Dr Sen says he was treating the ailing 70-year old prisoner Sanyal. But the government thinks otherwise. Sen has been charged with “criminal offense” for visiting the ailing terrorist in the jail.
The government officials have turned a deaf ear to human right activists as well who demand Sen's release on humanitarian grounds and lack of evidence against him.
“When scores of people are gunned down, no one bothers. Everyone is so concerned about one man’s arrest,” said Chief Minister Raman Singh.
The 750 page chargesheet slapped on Dr Sen insists he was a Naxalite who helped other Naxal groups, treated them and carried their letters. But Dr Sen's friends disagree.
“We have time and again condemned all the violent acts of all parties including the Maoists,” said human rights activist Raju Syal.
Gradually voices of protest are being heard. Doctors all over the country especially those from his alma mater, Christian Medical College in Vellore, Tamil Nadu, have gone on a massive signature campaign against the alleged “fake” charges slapped on Sen.
It’s been over three months now that Dr Binayak has been in jail. The protests have already begun gaining momentum. Those who are protesting are keenly aware that it’s a long battle ahead of them.
For the family, these are trying times. His wife Illina and two daughters hope justice will prevail,” We hope on the 60th independence day the charges against Binayak will be lifted and he will be released,” said Illina.
The local health care workers are now on a campaign pressing the government for Sen’s release. But the government has not responded, nor has any investigation been done to prove the charges while Sen remains in jail.

ಒ೦ದು ಕವಿತೆ

ರಾಯಚೂರಿನ ಬಿಸಿಲಿನಿ೦ದ
ಬಳ್ಳಾರಿಯ ಧೂಳಿನಿ೦ದ
ಮೈಸೂರಿನ ತ೦ಪಿನಿ೦ದ
ನಮಗಾಗಿ ಬ೦ದವರಿವರು;

ಹಣಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಪೀಡಿಸಲಿಲ್ಲ
ನೆಲಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಕಾಡಲೂ ಇಲ್ಲ
ಕೇಳಿದ್ದು ಒ೦ದಷ್ಟು ನ್ಯಾಯ,
ಬದುಕಲೊ೦ದಷ್ಟು ನೆಲೆ;

ನಮ್ಮನ್ನಾಳುವವರದ್ದು ವಿಶಾಲ ಹ್ರ್ರದಯ
ನ್ಯಾಯ ಕೇಳಿದವರಿಗೆ ಕೊಟ್ಟೇಬಿಟ್ಟರು
ಎನ್ ಕೌ೦ಟರ್ ಹೆಸರಿನಲ್ಲಿ
ಕಾನೂನಿನ ನೆರಳಿನಲ್ಲಿ.
- ಅಶೋಕ್.

Friday, October 12, 2007

Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) has decided & announced publicly that it would launch armed struggle

recieved via mail
ISLAMABAD – 11TH OCTOBER, 2007) Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) has decided and announced publicly that it would launch arms struggle against the Government, if Martial Law is now imposed by the Army and General Musharraf in Pakistan.

This was stated in a policy statement by the Central Chairman of the Communist Party of Pakistan, Engineer Jameel Ahmad Malik here today.

He said that if the Army and General Pervaz Musharraf would follow unconstitutional steps by imposing Martial Law in the country in the coming days, the Communist Party would then leave the path of democratic norms and would resist the Martial Law tooth and nail by launching arms struggle against the Martial Law in whole of Pakistan.

The CPP Chairman vehemently stressed and said that the Army and General Musharraf, who are ruling this country on one pretext or the others for almost 35 years out of 60 years since independence of Pakistan from British Empire in 1947, has now in fact lost the credibility in the eyes of the down trodden and poor masses of Pakistan.

They are now ruling the country with the help of elites and those politicians, who are in fact traders and ‘turn coats’ politicians, for whom people have no respect for them at all.

The turn coats politicians like the President Pakistan Muslim League Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, Federal Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmad and others, who are supporting Military regimes and General Musharraf are warning the public that if the Supreme Court gives an anti judgment concerning the controversial Presidential election of General Musharraf, martial law would be imposed in Pakistan.

In fact by such like statements, they want to pressurize the Supreme Court of Pakistan for deciding the Musharraf’s case in his favour keeping the law of necessity. It is a message to Supreme Court by them not to decide the Justice (Retd) Wajid-ud-din Ahmad petition’s against General Musharraf on merits.

Engineer Jameel requested the Supreme Court to take suo motu notice of such contemptuous statements by Federal Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmad and others immediately.

CPP fully supports the armed struggle launched by the communists in various countries of the world. Engineer Jameel said that the arms struggle by the communists in Nepal against the monarchy is near to end now and the communists will soon over throw the monarchy for ever in Nepal.

Monday, October 08, 2007


The `Ruling people' always gives this call to naxals "come to main stream, we will discuss and sort out things". But what is their in the mainstream? In these days when the mineral water is not 100% pure no one expects the ` mainstream ' to be pure upto 75%. But atleast 75% purity should be there. WHERE IS IT? A youth who sees the present day politics in Karnataka will lose
hope in this Democracy. Everyone is behind power.

If H.D.Kumaraswamy and his father Devegowda had transferred the power then the same BJP personnel would have praised them like anything. How can we gain faith in a system in which the party which was in 3rd position in the previous polls enjoyed the power for last 38 months, they had Deputy CM post for first 18 months and CM post for next 20 months. Each time they had alignment with 2 different parties. No one cared for the principles.

Devegowda has virtually shifted his politics from " dilli to gully" and he is least bothered about his and his parties image. He just want power in his hands or under his control. Some of the congressmen are getting ready to join hands with JD[S] again just because they don't have guts to face election and more than that they need power. Is this the culture of so called " GANDHI PARTY"?

Tuesday, October 02, 2007


We remember him only on october 2 , political parties will praise him on this date and congress is one step forward , it had limited him to their political party...... he is a matter of politics for them. Instead of praising or teasing him read this article about a lady who is a follower of gandhi in real sense.

For the past 30-odd years Manipur, home to over 30 militant groups and bitter ethnic strife, has known just one way to settle disputes: through the barrel of the gun. So when someone undertakes a non-violent protest for six years, the state sits up and takes notice. Irom Sharmila Chanu has, since November 2000, refused food and water in protest against the imposition of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958) in her state — and today occupies a unique position among her people.
The “Iron Lady Of Manipur” has now shifted base to Delhi, seeking a better platform to make her voice heard and her protest to take effect — and, ironically, to show the national capital that Gandhian protest is still alive. Indeed, her only excursion beyond Jantar Mantar has been to Rajghat, to pay homage to the Mahatma.
While the capital’s Manipuri population makes a beeline for her, the state government — which has kept her alive for six years by force-feeding her through the nose — is probably heaving a private sigh of relief. Should anything happen to her now, their slate is clean. It’s another matter that if Sharmila dies, and it’s a distinct possibility, Manipur will burn. By living, she’s kept in check the outrage against the AFSPA. She gives hope. If she should die fasting, her cause and the circumstances of her death could well lead to another June 18-like uprising. The Manipur government realised this, and made sure she stayed alive as long as she was in Manipur.
Sharmila’s protest was triggered by not by any political agenda but a gruesome massacre: The gunning down, by security forces, of 10 people waiting at a bus-stand in Malom near Imphal in November 2000 on suspicion of being insurgents. She was 28 then, just another ordinary Manipuri tired of the violence that perpetrated every facet of life.
“It was too much for me, beyond my capacity of tolerance”, she told this writer in September 2005, lying in in her tacky room in the security ward of the Jawaharlal Nehru government hospital in Imphal. Getting an interview with her was about the easiest thing, for the government was more than happy to have the media report that she was alive and well, as many times as possible. While the media had easy access to her, family members were not allowed audience.
In that nondescript, bare room with a regulation hospital bed and a rotting wooden table, with two bored policewomen for company, Sharmila was a spectral shadow with curly hair and a nose feeding tube dangling from one nostril. On the wall behind her pillow was the most striking aspect of the room: a huge collage of magazine cuttings and newspaper clippings that she put together. It was probably this avid interest in news, and the yoga she practised daily, that kept her mental strength intact.
Told that the government spent more than Rs 1 lakh every year to keep her alive, she was shocked. “I consume so much public money? Very shocking”, she said, barely audible. “I suppose the government is afraid to let me die. I am not suicide-eager; I want to live and die like normal people (do), but this hunger-strike is the only way open to me to achieve my goal.”
Her anger is more against the state government, which she called a “puppet of the Centre”. “The government cannot decide its political agenda, so their logic is: suppress the voice of the people. I think of myself more as a social reformer, and the common people are more convinced of the sentiments of social reformers like me rather than the promises of the government. All this insurgency, this extortion is a fallout of government policy,” she’d said.
Repeated appeals from the state government, including several personal requests by chief minister O Ibobi Singh, have not affected Sharmila’s resolve. When, following the Manorama incident in 2004 (Manorama was allegedly raped and killed by paramilitaries), the AFSPA was lifted from Imphal municipal limits and the Prime Minister reassured her of further relaxations, Sharmila remained unfazed. “The AFSPA has to be totally lifted from Manipur. Till then, my fast continues.”
Recognition of her non-violent protest was made all the more clear when she was included among the 1,000 women jointly nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005; when told about it, she broke out in a rare smile, then said that she wanted to meet the other 999 women and share experiences.
The ball is in the Centre’s court. Will they, too, arrest Sharmila and nose-feed her for as long as it takes? Will her deteriorating health hold up? Answers to these questions seem far more easy to guess than whether the AFSPA will be lifted from Manipur to restore a normal life to her.


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